Will Cuba ’s
Future Resemble Nicaragua ’s
Reality?
By: Leroy A. Binns Ph.D.
The US sustained Somoza and Batista regimes of Nicaragua and
Cuba respectively – hallmarks of mismanagement, corruption and inequality gave
rise to grassroots politics in the form of socialist movements that ultimately
produced the likes of revolutionary figures such as Daniel Ortega and Fidel
Castro. However such transitions underscored elements of East/West rivalry
within America ’s
sphere of influence and later enticed guerilla warfare and subsequently the
downfall of the Ortega government plus numerous attempts including the Bay of Pigs and a forty year economic embargo against Cuba in
anticipation of an identical outcome.
In its campaign against communism Washington ignored major
accomplishments by both states such as significant gains in literacy, free
education and health care, land reform, the erection of schools, hospitals and
clinics and the provision of water supplies and trained and financially
supported the covert operations to the tune of millions of dollars to wage war
against the progressive regimes while promising democracy and economic
prosperity. A difference of opinion towards agitation and the acceptance of
elections in principle became the backdrop for resistance by the leaderships to
foreign interference on sovereign soil which in return boosted austere
castigation commencing with the severance of diplomatic affiliation with Washington . In the end
after eleven years of civil strife and a ravaged economy the disenchanted
Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) capitulated and in April 1990 lost
a US
observed referendum to Violeta Barrios de Chamorro the wife of La Prensa’s
renowned assassinated journalist Pedro Joaquin Chamorro. However in contrast
the world’s longest reigning government has thus far been successful in
defeating destabilization efforts to preserve power.
Over the years US governments had extensive opportunities to
fulfill past promises to the citizens of Nicaragua and by so doing enhance its
case for the removal of Castro from the helm of Cuban politics but a revelation
of failed policies synonymous with mass destruction and its offspring poverty
begs inquiry, With Nicaragua as a point of reference should Cuba anticipate
preferential treatment and more so fortune at the hands of Washington in a post
Castro era?
Once in power President Chamorro was awarded $400 million by
the Bush administration in exchange for compliance with the directives of the
World Bank and the IMF namely a structural adjustment program with shortcomings
that included the severance of state employees primarily in education, health
and social services, a decrease in army personnel from 95,000 to 16,000, the
loss of property acquired by small farmers under the previous administration
and a neo-liberal policy that destroyed many local industries. Amid credit for
a favorable inflation rate and a stabilized currency the sudden turn of events
increased the unemployment rate from 35% in 1989 to 60% two years later
culminating in the FSLN led September 1993 nationwide strike. The fiscal
disaster was also magnified as the country’s liability rose from $1 billion in
1979 to $8 billion in 1996. In fact according to the UN’s assessment in 1991 Nicaragua
ranked 85th on its human development index and by 1995 plummeted to 117th
second only to Haiti
as the poorest nation in the Western Hemisphere
with 80% of its population below the poverty level.
In 1996 term limits led to emergence of Arnoldo Aleman, the
former mayor of Managua
and an associate of the Somoza family under the umbrella of a five party
alliance. With the White House’s blessing and a distorted electoral process
confirmed by Oscar Arias, an independent observer and ex-president of Costa Rica he
too succeeded in defeating Ortega and inherited the office of the presidency.
Although Aleman campaigned in favor of 100,000 new jobs to
many pundits he lacked a platform beyond anti-Sandinista rhetoric and was also
a torch bearer of regressive US
measures hence unable to initiate transformation. An admiration of impractical
policies would set the stage for excessive levels of crime in urban centers and
an alarming increase in drug use and suicides. Such watershed was partly
responsible for a public embarrassment – the April 1997 historic five day
national strike orchestrated by the Sandinistas that temporarily paralyzed the
nation. Moreover in light of the composition of the National Assembly (the
liberal Alliance
won 42 seats, the FSLN 36 and the smaller parties shared 15) and his allegiance
to a coalition the president faced strong opposition enacting legislation.
In a country plagued by drought, a global reduction in
coffee prices resulting in hunger and joblessness and employment earnings in
many instances recorded at less than $1 a day, girth and extravagance were
frequent practices of the administration. In spite of limited economic success
and some achievements in the construction of roads and schools the head of
state paid his cabinet ministers $12,000 per month, subsidized lavish parties
and built himself a new helicopter landing pad – all at the expense of the
treasury. In sum such thoughtless behavior was later characterized by James
Carter a former president of the United States in precise terms,
“The general assessment by international organizations is that Aleman’s is one
of the most corrupt administrations in the hemisphere.”
Amidst directorship of a decade long futile exercise largely
accountable for approximately $10 billion in debt over eleven times the
country’s annual export earnings America once again affected the electoral
process of November 4 by propagandizing Ortega and embracing a questionable
contender and later victor Enrique Bolanos, a businessman and former vice
president to outgoing president Aleman. In the words of Secretary of State
Colin Powell an African/American of Jamaican descent, “The United States has
serious reservations about Ortega and his Sandinista party for their past
trampling on civil liberties, destroying the economy and maintaining links with
those who support terrorism.” In addition John Keene acting deputy secretary
for Western Hemisphere Affairs shared such sentiments by saying, “I would be
dishonest if I did not acknowledge that the possibility of a Sandinista victory
is disconcerted to the US
government. We cannot forget that during the 1979 – 1990 Sandinista era Nicaragua
became a haven for violent political extremists from the Middle
East , Europe and Latin America .”
Unfortunately as mentioned by Shelley McConnell, a Latin
American specialist at the Carter Center in Atlanta, strategies towards a
successful economic agenda for Nicaragua continue to be ignored. Further a
consistency in flawed US
foreign policy throughout the Third World
demonstrates a semblance to the Nicaraguan crisis and therefore a Cuban
scenario subject to comparable conditions would undoubtedly by catastrophic.
In order to attain a sense of credibility and sensitivity
and foster human development in Nicaragua
the United States
must advance the following recommendations;
The US in accordance with the UN World Court should
compensate Nicaragua $17 billion in damages resulting from an economic and
military crusade.
A reluctance or ineptness to endorse aforementioned
modifications towards Nicaragua
in particular and where applicable to the South in general will result in calamitous
consequences worldwide.
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