George Bush and the Religious Right
By: Leroy A. Binns Ph.D.
In 2000 President George W. Bush made history by becoming
party to the first father and son team to acquire the presidency of the United
States since John Quincy Adams and the only chief executive to obtain such a
position in a fashion akin to Benjamin Harrison who in 1888 won the electoral
college while losing the popular vote nationwide.
Regrettably the re-elected president has also created waves
by presiding over an evenly divided populace which brings into scrutiny his
past and present commitments. Faced with the need to defuse a national
political tension president-elect Bush expressed a conciliatory tone, “I was
not elected to serve one party but to serve our nation. The president of the United States
is the president of every single American, of every race and every background.
Whether you voted for me or not I will do my best to serve your interests and
will work for your respect.” Four years later a continued sense of disunity reinforced
echoes of such remarks through yet another acceptance speech. “To make this
nation stronger and better I will need your support, I will work to earn it. I
will do all I can do to deserve your trust.”
To some pundits the Commander in Chief wishes to defy the
odds of a lame duck tenure and create a legacy by attaining his objectives
during a second term in office. In support of such a notion they have taken
into consideration his prompt substitutions to cabinet resignations with loyal
aides and early emphasis on adjusting income tax and social security. They have
also noted an advantage that could work in tandem with his political agenda –
the increased control of both houses of Congress. Nonetheless despite this
unparalleled achievement beyond the grasp of all previous second term
presidents subsequent to 1951, his steadfastness to rigidity and merciless
denouncements of evil, the likes of Watergate, the Iran Contra Ordeal and
particularly the Lowensky Affair that beset presidents Nixon, Reagan and
Clinton may incite a price tag as
indicated in an eloquent enunciation by the frustrated president of the Ethics
and Religious Liberty Commission of the Southern Baptist Convention Richard,
“The go along, get along strategy is dead. We want a wedding ring, we want a
ceremony, we want to the consummation of the marriage.”
This president, a self proclaimed born again Christian whose
“faith is very personnel” and prays “for strength and wisdom everyday” is
relentlessly courted by the Religious Right, an ultra-conservative evangelical
network comprised of noted clerical figures namely the Moral Majority’s Jerry
Falwell and the Christian Coalition’s Pat Robertson. The latter although
existent throughout the 1960s and 70s was unable to promote the “pro-family”
agenda on a national stage until the House of Representatives changed hands for
the first time in forty years in 1994. Such an opportunity was later punctuated
with the acknowledgement of transgression by President Clinton and a
proclamation of the candidacy by the current Bush for the vacancy at 1600 Pennsylvania Ave.
Some Contentions of the Religious Right
Issues Expectations
Judicial appointments the
selection of conservative judges to the bench
Gay unions a
constitutional amendment defining marriageAbortion a ban on abortion
School prayers the restoration of school prayers in schools
Funding for religious establishments increased assistance
Stem cell research the prohibition of stem cell research
Consequently sensing a commonly articulated interest they
seized the moment in an anointment of “a man of God” for the presidential bid.
As governor of Texas
the messenger had previously demonstrated a shared concern on matters of
abortion, government funding and tax perks to religious classifications, school
prayers and other church and state related issues. Following his declared
conviction to answer the call for national leadership his allegiance to the
cause of the Religious Right caught the attention of Pat Robertson who
championed his candidacy with the launching of 21 Victory in an attempt to
collect $21 million to fund a voter education program. Moreover another member
of the clergy Jerry Falwell saw the light and established a comparable venture
to avoid “an era of paganism.” The president was likewise the recipient of
additional contributions from other religious quarters
A Partial Portrait of the Faithful
Leaders Organizations
Donald Wildmon American Family Association
Gary Bauer Campaign for Working Families
D. James Kennedy Center for Reclaiming
Beverly LaHayle Concerned Women for
Beverly LaHayle Beverly LaHayle Institute
Phyllis Schlafly Eagle Forum
James Dobson Focus on the Family
Shirley Dobson National Day of Prayer Task Force
William Murray God is not Government PAC
Michael Farris Madison Project Fund
Lou Sheldon Tradition Value Coalition
Rick Scarborough Vision
In the end a strong mobilization of the flock attributed to
1.5 million field volunteers, the distribution of over 70 million voters guides
and postcards, a host of “God and Country” political rallies and the delivery
of 15 million votes on election day yielded a positive outcome.
An exit poll conducted by CNN measures the impact of this
growing segment on the country’s closest presidential electoral contest.
Election 2000
Voters by Religion
All Gore Bush Buchanan
Nader
Protestant 54% 42% 56% 0% 2%
Catholic 26% 50% 47% 1% 2%Jewish 4% 79% 19% 0% 1%
Other 6% 62% 28% 1% 7%
Religion – Whites only
Protestant 14% 34% 63% 1% 2%
Catholic 25% 45% 52% 0% 2%Jewish 4% 80% 17% 0% 1%
Other 5% 53% 35% 0% 8%
White Religious Right
Yes 14% 18% 80% 1% 1%
No 83% 54% 42% 0% 3%In the tradition of19th century neo-calvinists, politician Abraham Kuyper declared “the family, business, science art and so forth are all social spheres which do not owe their existence to the state but obedience to a higher authority within their own bosom, an authority that rules by the grace of God.” This strain of thought also gained legitimacy through his protégé World magazine editor and intellectual Marvin Olasky who theorizes in “The Tragedy of American Compassion” that poverty is a spiritual problem that government policy has nor caused and cannot cure and provides a rational for Bush’s pronouncements of spirituality which resonates with the sacred assembly.
Evidence of an intimacy during the president’s first term on
office is partly accredited to the insights of White House political guru Karl
Rove and reflects frequent sessions with the likes of former Southern Baptist
Convention president James Merritt, Focus on the Family’s James Dobson and
former director of the Christian Coalition Ralph Reed among others, the
establishment of the office of Faith Based Initiatives and a proposed
constitutional amendment clarifying marriage. Furthermore the demonization of
secular humanism and liberalism equated with the Kerry campaign, Senator
Specter’s nomination spectacle and an appropriate observation by Arthur
Finkelstein an advisor to New York’s Governor George Pataki which describes the
Republican party as “the most radical in modern history ever” are reflected via
exit surveys of the most recent presidential referendum.
Election 2004
Votes by Religion All Bush Kerry Nader
Protestant 54% 59% 40% 0%
Catholic 27% 52% 47% 0%Jewish 3% 25% 74% 0%
Other 7% 23% 74% 1%
White Evangelical/Born Again
Yes 23% 78% 21% 0%
No 77% 43% 56% 0%
Notwithstanding the squandering of political capital on the
domestic and international frontiers implied by the resignation of six cabinet
members and expressed by a Washington based right wing think tank the Heritage
Foundation and conservatives such as Paul Weyrich the national chairman of
Coalitions for America and Paul Becker president for Citizens for a Sound
Economy the party remains for the foreseeable future the torch bearer for the
Christian Coalition thus complicating the functions of this president. In a
divisive environment with an unclear and limited mandate on matters of fiscal
responsibility, intelligence reform and occupation in Iraq will he
ignore the social concerns of many in the name of a de facto theocracy?
To silence voices on controversial subjects of debate
specifically abortion, stem cell research and school prayers questions the
validity of our constitution and redefines American democracy. By the same
token an alternative of an ecclesiastical order is ill advised as it favors
political establishments notably the Taliban of Afghanistan and the Islamic
regime in Iran
by championing a set of religious values with disdain and disregard for others
– a reality explicitly illustrated by Franklin Graham’s condemnation of Islam.
Further blurring the line between religion and politics limits and creates
boundaries to basic privileges long afforded the American public.
As the fundamentalists forge ahead in preparation for legal
disputes and the 2008 presidential contest with the pending launch of a law
school at Liberty
University and the Faith
and Values Coalition hope springs eternal. If owned by the religious right as
asserted by the Christian Coalition president Roberta Combs and implicitly
concurred by the president of the National Evangelical Association Ted Haggard
the oval office has abandoned its civic duties in lieu of clericalism.
President Bush must revisit his defining statement on abortion during his
debate for a second term in office, “I can’t take what is an article of faith
for me and legislate it for someone who does not share that article of faith.”
In addition he should also reassess the composition of his constituents to
which the majority of his Ohio
base an enlarged yet small fraction of his total support (54% catholic and 79%
evangelical) exhibit the national sentiment.
Senator Orrin Hatch’s affirmation of a unifying
president must resound within and beyond the halls of Congress as a balancing
act warrants consideration to entertain an ongoing discourse and sustain social
growth within a polarized America .
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