Essay Review

Title: Mexico and Cuba: The End of a Convenient Partnership

Author: Ana Covarrubias

By: Leroy A. Binns Ph.D.

Ana Covarrubias, a professor at the Center for International Studies at El Colegio de Mexico seeks to examine bilateral relations between Cuba and Mexico and concludes variations in kinship on account of leadership, ideology and external influences but never a diplomatic severance as is the case with Cuba and the United States.

The assessment notes Mexico’s empathy for the Castro regime as partly based on an interchangeable set of circumstances during 1959 when Mexico City was confronted with social discontent, economic stalemate and political divisions as she sought to cater to a right wing local sector, business interests and the Catholic Church. The delicate internal balance and foreign affairs particularly regarding Cuba would soon be tested three years later thus clearly exposing Mexican political sentiments toward the Caribbean island.

A pivotal point in the discussion concedes Cuba’s isolation resulting from a regional meeting in 1962. At an OAS gathering in Punta del Este, Uruguay the United States sought and gained the necessary 14 votes to remove the communist island from the organization. However 2 nations opposed and 5 including Mexico abstained on grounds that the charter did not include a provision to exclude member states. In addition resoluteness was on display in 1964 when America’s southern neighbor became the lone state within the OAS to resist US policy to discontinue diplomatic ties with the Castro regime.

Both countries were soon emboldened by international recognition via a platform to express grievances on matters of non intervention as Cuba hosted the 1966 Tri-continental Conference with led to the creation of the Organization for the Solidarity for the Peoples of Africa, Asia and Latin America and its support for self determination. In 1968 Cuba was also able to return the favor to its regional ally by refusing to support anti-government rallies initiated by students and later suppressed by security personnel. The doctrine of togetherness even withstood the explosion of Humberto Carillo Colon, the Mexican press attaché for allegations of spying.

She labels the 1970s as a progressive and antagonistic period during which the Castro regime sought to export socialism throughout the Caribbean and Latin America. Once again he was not alone as President Luis Echeverria while flexible and somewhat subtle embraced Third World deliverance. His visit to Cuba in 1975 was likewise symbolic of an interest in a new world order rid of hegemonic authorities specifically Washington that imposed economic hardships on developing nations. At Mexico’s behest that same year the OAS approved a resolution that forged the way for member states to resume diplomatic relations with Cuba.

In the years ahead President Fidel Castro received a huge boost from President Jose Lopez Portillo who actively supported the Sadinistas in Nicaragua and the Frente Farabundo Marti para la Liberacion National and the Frente Democratico Revolucionario in El Salvador. His successor Miguel de la Madrid as well maintained continuity by elevating the Contadora Group comprised of Mexico, Venezuela, Columbia and Panama in its search of corrective measures encompassing but not limited to Central America’s conflicts and America’s militaristic stance within the diaspora.

The writer voices an extension of comradeship resulting from the 1981 North-South meeting in Cancun that discussed economic issues relevant to the advancement of Third World states. Although Castro was not in attendance such allowed Cuba an opportunity to remain relevant and gave Mexico then a US NAFTA companion an ability to advocate for a non-aligned foreign policy.

A reversal of socialism throughout Latin America and the destruction of the Soviet bloc left Cuba’s fate in doubt. Yet recollections entails the importance of the Iberoamerican summit in Guadalajara, Mexico (1991) blessed with the presence and persuasion of King Juan Carlos I of Spain and the Madrid gathering (1992) during which President Carlos Salinas vehemently objected to pressuring Castro on grounds of intervention. Seamless support was likewise exercised at Iberoamerican conventions in 1994 and 1995 and in 1995 and 1998 the Mexican delegation amidst disapproval by the likes of Argentina and Venezuela unyieldingly requested the restoration of Cuba’s membership to the OAS.

While Cuba was the subject of American repercussions for downing 2 of the Brothers to the Rescue aircrafts outside Cuban air space Mexico denounced the 1992 Torricelli Act and the 1996 Helms-Burton Act as infringements of principles of international law. In the end the severity of both pieces of legislation almost led Mexico and Canada to convene a complaint panel denouncing America’s inhumane and self centered behavior.

Covarrubias nonetheless highlights a contrast in governance attributed to the emergence and influence of President George Bush and an economy in disarray as in 1999 President Ernest Zedillo at the Iberoamerican summit led the charge on democracy and human rights in Cuba. The conference that followed one year later in Panama City would only inflame Havana as her interests were overshadowed by free trade policies and a relentless quest for democratic reform on the island. In addition the author shares identical political convictions of Zedillo and his successor Vincente Fox with the latter’s right of center administration utilizing the UNHRC in Geneva to vote against Cuba’s record on human rights from 2002 to 2006.

In 2004 fanning of the flames would lead to both ambassadors being recalled and a series of accusations of intrusion by Cuban and Mexican authorities. While both countries maintained diplomatic relations one can only surmise about their exposure to extensive deterioration had the Fox tenure not been limited to one 6 year term in office by the constitution or if not by a re-election defeat.

With the 2006 election of Felipe Calderon the professor airs the resumption of a partnership. He revived communication and during his tenure the human rights status of all countries was subject to an equal and more favorable form of scrutiny. New ambassadors were appointed, Cuba gained membership to the Rio Group of 23 and a $400 million debt was restructured. Subsequently effects of an influenza outbreak - the suspension of Cuban flights to Mexico was short lived and in 2010 with Mexican persistence Havana was readmitted to the OAS.

Disputes in the form of illegal immigration that impact human trafficking affecting Mexico and the United States could prolong an uncertain friendship between both nations. In essence as predicated by the essay Cuban/Mexican relations hang in the balance awaiting economic stability on the Spanish island.