Democracy: A Maze to Good Governance
By: Leroy A. Binns Ph.D.
In a world exposed to totalitarianism and its side effects
an alternate school of thought commonly defined as democracy seems most
auspicious as this explosive brand of politics permeates throughout Latin
American, African, Asian and the Eastern Bloc territories.
A once famous US president Abraham Lincoln in
deference to the universal concept augmented the political lexicon with a
memorable maxim that promotes design and purpose – government of the people, by
the people and for the people. Nonetheless the collective term which is
emblematic of inclusiveness, transparency, accountability, dignity and the
fundamental rights of the individual, and simultaneously gives voice to a wide
variety of regimes embodies complexities in approach towards an ideal form of
governance.
Despite a convergence of constructs dismissing Cold War
qualifiers, the like of popular or representative democracies and subsequent
codification of democracy under the umbrella of an extensive declaration
administrating uniformed beliefs is vulnerable to variations in practice.
At a glance democracies contain rudimentary criteria
Representative Institutions –
assemblies entrusted with the responsibility to air political differences and
legislate in the interest of the state.
The Judiciary – an
independent conduit in its portfolio of interpreting law and adjudicating
justice.
Free and Fair elections –
exercises at regular intervals affording universal, equal and secret suffrage
to voters in electing representatives of their choosing under transparent
conditions.
Both the Westminster
and presidential formulas distinctively endorse the tenets of participatory
polity. The former credited with longevity and worldwide recognition has
obtained the respect of commentators, scholars and political practitioners and
is a product of intertwined mechanisms comprised of a prime minister, members
of cabinet, parliament and the senate. In contrast is an alternative that
offers a president, members of cabinet and a congressional delegation.
While in these cases the legislative branches are bicameral,
the British chamber classified as the House of Lords is comprised of hereditary
nobility and political appointees, and functions differently. In an
asymmetrical relationship with the House of Commons this chamber only retains
the power to delay legislation (money bills for the duration of a month and
others for an extended period of a year) – a feature unheard of outside the British commonwealth . To the contrary across the Atlantic an apparent dissimilarity includes a system of
checks and balances that is the centerpiece of the American political process.
Types of Government
Presidential Westminster
The Executive
Head of State – President Prime
Minister
The Cabinet The
Cabinet
Members of Congress- House
and Senate Members of
the House of Commons and
the House of Lords
The Supreme, Court of Appeals
and District The Privy
Council, Supreme, Crown
courts and
magistrates Courts
In praxis albeit peddled as an attempt at incorporative
elements to social and economic development, the effectiveness of the means to
an end is debatable. Those in favor of the US prototype refer to impotence
characterized by votes of no confidence. In denouncement Alexander Hamilton
wrote In the Federalist No 70 “A feeble executive implies a feeble execution of
the government… and a government ill executed whatever it may be in theory,
must be, in practice, a bad government.” Such consequences dating to 1782 are
infrequent but disruptive.
Some Prime Ministers defeated by Votes of No Confidence
James Scullin (1931) Arthur
Meighen (1926)
Arthur Fadden (1941) John
George Diefenbaker (1963)
Malcolm Frazer (1975) Joe Clark (1979)
Pierre
Elliot Trudeau (1974)
Paul
Martin (2005)
Lord North (1782) Katsura
Taro (1913)
Ramsey MacDonald (Oct 1924) Shigeru Yoshida 4th (1953)
James Callaghan (1979) Masayoshi Ohira (1980)
Kiichi
Miyazawa (1993)
The level of independence or institutional separation which
allows for scrutiny and bipartisanship is also an asset. Proponents in defense
of English bureaucracy voice adulation for its demonstration of seamlessness in
decision making processes.
An extension of convolution herein becomes increasingly
ostensible with reflections of Hobbes’ classical argument against democracy,
Churchill’s reservation of same as “the worst form of government except all
those forms that have been tried from time to time,” and Noble prize winning
economist Sir Arthur Lewis’ denunciation of majority role as undemocratic due
to its exclusionary measures which he categorically likens to a dictatorship.
By the same token Rupert Emerson in his Book “From Empire to Nation” concludes,
“ the assumption that a majority has the right to overrule a dissident minority
after a period of debate does violence to conceptions basic to no Western peoples.”
The pursuit for reformation has elevated a discourse
particularly within the undeveloped world where flaws seem more apparent. In Maharashtra the MLSs have been given the dubious
distinction of Benthamites. Reports reference lawmakers as party hopping
backroom dealers in support of self aggrandizement. In the words of one local
journalist, “A legislator is elected in our country not as a lawmaker and
custodian of the public interest. A legislator is essentially a disguised
executive and his primary objective is to exercise unaccountable power ranging
from transfers, postings, promotions, contracts tenders, licenses, public
projects and police cases without restrictions.’ Comparable accusations have
likewise been leveled against the Peoples’ National Party (PNP) of Jamaica
with opposition leader Bruce Golding venting the charge concerning the
seventeen year old government’s unchecked monopoly illustrated through
scandals. In both instances remedy in the form of constitutional reform to
centralized power could include a separation of executive and legislative
branches of government, term limits and set election dates.
The path to democracy lacks boundaries and is therefore
remiss without Swiss and Belgian interpretations. In Bern power sharing is
demonstrated via a seven member national executive representing a broad
coalition of political parties namely the Christian Democrats, Social Democrats
and Radical Democrats – all of whom hold about a fourth of the seats in the
lower house. The Swiss Peoples party has executive representation as well due
to its control of one-eighth of the seats in the assembly. On the other hand
the Belgian constitution formally requires that the executive branch is
composed of representatives from large linguistic groups thus reflecting a
multiparty system in the legislature.
Unfortunate both models although consensus driven are
imperfect. Beyond the accommodations expressed response to socioeconomics is
perplexing with additional divisions and transformed political platforms as is
the case with the Social Democrats who receive the support of working class
elements from the Radical Democrats. Moreover unlike Switzerland
language has been a decisive factor in the erosion of major parties in Brussels and has
contributed a revolving door of short lived cabinets with an average live span
of approximately two and a half years.
Efforts elsewhere are exposed to examination yet in most
instances less equipped to offer the functional prerequisites and as a result
some of the following components are poorly executed or lacking.
Effective divisions of state
power and civilian control
A pluralistic structure that
enables the dispersion of power resources
The protection of individual
freedom
An adherence to
constitutionalism
Legal autonomy
Open debate on issues of
governance
Election based transfer of
power
The violation of state power and circumvention of parliament
and the courts as displayed by post 1994 Haiti and the Fujimori regime to name
a few add credence to democracies in waiting.
Deficiencies aside with the passage of time a substantial
number of states gained popular status in subscription to the process of
liability and engagement.
Beliefs about Accountability and Representation in 15
Nations (by percentage)
Voting makes a Person/s in power elections represent Party
Difference make a difference voter’s views represent
voters
Czech 48 57 28 78
Source: Comparative Study of Electoral
Systems (CSES) 2001
Patterns of Electoral Engagement in 15 Nations (by
percentage)
how
to vote candidate
Moreover according to data released by Freedom House in
2001, sixty nine of eighty seven countries classified as free report high
scores on political rights and civil liberties. Empowerment in an established
political arena with the prevalence of liberation also enhances economic
evolution as complimentary ideas of productivity and investments reinvigorate
the landscape.
In acknowledgement of a favorable correlation between
democracy and political effectuation as exhibited by old and new nation states
worldwide, democracies must confront modern challenges of demographics,
resources, competition and global alliances with commitments to institutional,
cultural and legal preconditions. A full supplement of comprehensive policy and
stable governance is therefore warranted to attain a vision towards a daunting
and elusive paradigm.
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