At-Risk Juveniles and The Controlled Release of Aggression:

                                    Using Athletics to Reduce Future Violence

 

                                                Edited by: Leroy A. Binns Ph.D.

 

Reducing aggressive and violent behavior among juveniles is a top priority for professionals within the field of criminal justice illustrated by after school programs that target at-risk youth throughout the nation. Such corrective measures have also caught the attention of academics who via scholarly literature assess the dilemma, and implementation and impact of recreational activities and concur ingredients such as an appropriate diagnosis, a clear and consistent objective, positive leadership and willing participants are core components in the war against aggression and violence.

To fully comprehend the complex nature of the problem that at the turn of the century consumed the lives of 2.4 million juveniles of whom 98,000 were accountable for ferocious offenses Rolf Loeber a psychiatry professor at Pittsburgh University and his spouse and departmental colleague Magda Stouthamer-Loeber express distinguishing characteristics between aggression and violence. Aggression is defined as those acts that inflict bodily or mental harm on others and is confined to exploits that cause less than serious damage whereas violence is deportment instigating serious harm such as aggravated assault, rape, robbery and homicide. Yet despite distinctions a correlation is striking.

They contend one tends to precede the other although violence does not always occur when combative behaviors are exhibited. Studies have also shown that early aggression predicts varying manifestations of later violence including frequent fighting by age 18 and partner assault and conviction for violent offenses by age 32, (Loeber & Stouthamer-Loeber, 1998). In fact it appears aggression is a developmental trait that extends from early life into adulthood (Kethineni, Blimling, Bozarth & Gaines, 2004).

A more in depth investigation explores the concept of desistence broadly characterized when in association with aggression and violence. The aforementioned is identifiable in three stages of a person’s life which are preschool, adolescence and early childhood. Aggressive behavior among preschool children (specifically boys) is natural and tends to be expressed among peers and family. With most young boys who earn the distinction of Limited Duration types instances of belligerence normally decrease by ages 10-12. Under most circumstances violent behavior develops after age 10 at which point abstinence  stops being a factor in the reduction of aggressive conduct. This type of individual is labeled the Life Course type which comprises of the largest portion of all adult violent offenders.

Identified in this analysis is the third type of individual that demonstrates violent behavior during adulthood without noted hostility in the early years of life. The Late Onset type accounts for a small proportion of adult offenders and are considered a minority among violent adults. An inquiry administered by Loeber and Stouthamer-Loeber revealed 74% of individuals displayed issues of minor aggression before committing violent acts indicating that the assertiveness develops along an orderly continuum rather than randomly. Reviews indicate a pathway of delinquency in boys consistently beginning with stubborn behavior, disobedience and minor aggression that escalates into physical fighting and violence (Loeber & Stouthamer-Loeber, 1998).

An associate professor of criminal justice at Illinois State University Sesha Kethineni categorizes several key qualifiers that together predict 93% of future violent acts in juveniles. Among those properties are drug use (primarily marijuana), thrill seeking, unsafe “hang outs,” being of the male gender, victimization, lack of trust in police identifying with a high risk group of peers, low socioeconomic status and most importantly the strongest denominator was previous tendencies of violence (Kethineni, et al., 2004).

Psychological aspects relating to forcefulness and violence cannot be overlooked due to the influence of cognitive and hormonal elements on human conduct. In essence it is argued that cognitive deficiencies inhibit most combative children from finding non-aggressive solution to their interpersonal issues (Loeber & Stouthamer-Loeber, 1998). Therefore anger is a common emotion when dealing with assertive juveniles and is according to Kethineni among the list of trauma symptoms that also include depression, anxiety, post-traumatic stress and dissociation (Kethineni, et al., 2004). High levels of testosterone in males along with an inadequacy of serotonin are known to be affiliated with aggression and can contribute to inhibitory/provocative behavioral outcomes (Loeber & Stouthamer-Loeber, 1998).

In an effort to right a debilitating social disorder described herein after school programming provides a safe and controlled environment to those identified with negative antecedent conditions which create vulnerabilities that are most likely to lead in time to problematic occurrences that will inflame more serious long-term consequences. The benefits of after-school recreational programs have been validated for erasing the likes of drug use and violent behavior while increasing self-esteem and life skills among successful participants (Lord & Mahoney, 2007).

McLean County, Illinois became witness to The OPTIONS program in 1999. It was developed as an answer to elevated levels of violent crimes perpetrated by juveniles.  Treatment providers, juvenile courts, social service agents and police worked in tandem to target youth who were at risk for aggressive, violent and other criminal activities. The participation of the violent juveniles was mandated by the court system in order to ensure that those deemed at-risk did not “ fall between the cracks.” Through utilization of community support structures, the OPTIONS programs took a psychosocial approach in violence prevention among juveniles. The goals of this endeavor were to halt future arrest, detention and prosecution. Hence an adoption of individual therapy exposed attendees to communication skills, empathy, anger management, relaxation techniques and positive reinforcement timelines (Kethineni, et al., 2004).

The Mayor’s Hoop program in Kansas City, Missouri is the brainchild of Mayor Mark Funkhouser serving at-risk youth ages 10-25. This midnight basketball venture was designed to get the attention of the parties in question during the summer week-ends by encouraging educational enrichment and decisive involvement in recreational sports. Night Hoops serves approximately1,200 youth every summer while maintaining a participant to staff ratio of 10 to 1. The program has been well received and has expanded to include volleyball and soccer and is consequently accredited by the Kansas City police for the significant reduction in juvenile apprehension and violent and property misdeeds (Everett, Chadwell, & McChesney, 2002).

A similar project entitled Stay Alive took roots in Minneapolis. The endeavor consisted of two separate basketball based initiatives: the Ghetto Basketball Association and the Shoot Hoops Not Guns project. The undertaking focused on African-American and Native American youth throughout the Twin Cities with the objective to connect with an otherwise unavailable group of people without the requirement of lofty funds or support.

Integral to this equation is the sport as a character model that accentuates reputation. Another exemplar is the sport as mobility version that views sport as a more tangible and direct vehicle for social incorporation and mobility. Sports as social control is also party to the mix. It addresses an additional level of surveillance detaching young men from the streets and into safe havens and finally sports as a hook labels basketball as a tool the community can utilize to sway a group of high risk young men with opportunities not traditionally afforded them. While the Stay Alive program lacks systematic research to measure its full potential thus far basketball it is a instrument of recruitment to a nearly unreachable assembly of youth within the local community (Hartman & Wheelock, 2002).

In reaction to a spike in juvenile violence and victimization in Huntington Beach, California the Juvenile at Risk program was introduced by the city’s police chief. Within the initiative police officers in contact with juveniles in question are expected to adhere to the principles of facilitation and rehabilitation as outlined by the JAR program.

The JAR program is the culmination of six phases totaling 100 hours each intended to defuse negative energy while simultaneously reflecting self-esteem and socially acceptable demeanor. Phase one otherwise known as the Pre-intake stage entails an interview with the parents, the juvenile and the law enforcement personnel at which time pertinent information regarding the accused is gleaned and expectations for the programs are articulated. Intake-Night or phase two is a natural progression of the previously described strategy. It commences with juveniles listening to parolees and parole officers recount the grim reality of incarceration. A spotlight on parental involvement with instructions  and sources provides guidance for parents. Phase three or Day Zero begins the militaristic style intervention and illuminates a walkway to future exercises. The juveniles are inspected for their compliance to contraband and clothing standards. Moreover officers emphasize the need to respect their portfolio or face severe consequences for defiance. 

Phase four -  the Boot camp phase continues a seamless succession with a five week agenda that encapsulates self discipline, integrity, respect and teamwork and intense physical training whereas the next stage underscores education primarily consisting of weekly writing assignments, community speakers, community service and part-time employment. Finally the last but equally as important phase concentrates on positive achievement made by the participants followed by the grand finale - graduation day compliments of juveniles, guardians, family members and community leaders. Once again scientific evidence of success rates is still unknown but the concepts are widely utilized and highly regarded as instruments of recognition (Luna, Winn & Stephen, 2000).

Upon evaluation of recreational programs some key elements namely strong leadership, consistency, long term commitment, risk taking and focus on developing the individual have been credited for success (Everett & Chadwell, 2010). Evidence of such is embodied in youth leisure programs inclusive of Police Athletic League, Boys and Girl’s Clubs and other community offerings that rely heavily on the advancement of adult-youth relationships to satisfy objectives.

Oftentimes the Social Ecology model is employed to aid local stewards in classifying variables that induce violence as well as the Violence Prevention Curriculum for Adolescents - a centerpiece for pinpointing anger as a normal emotion and alternatives to conflict resolution (Riner & Flynn, 1999). In addition the development of an empathetic relationship accommodating adult sensitivity to the emotional requisite of stakeholders is prioritized. Self-efficacy is also cited as a critical component of the evolution process thus sanctioning the ability of the individual to utilize self-control and refrain from engaging in impulsive and physical demonstrations such as violence and/or other aggressive delinquent behaviors (Anderson, Sabatelli & Trachtenburg, 2007).

 It is estimated that the government allots $3.6 billion to after-school programming that serves 6.5 million youth during the non-school hours. Although limited ongoing examination implies such expenditure is warranted and responsible for the transformation of lives that would otherwise not occur. It acts as an enabler to positive youth maturation by embracing physical and psychotically safety, appropriate structure, supportive relationships, opportunities to belong, positive social norms, support for efficacy chances for skill building and integration of family, school and local efforts. As a result government intervention has been lauded by the Massachusetts After School Research study for its attention to engagement (Yohalem & Wilson-Ahlstrom, 2010).

To date these endeavors are a work in progress awaiting adequate research to appraise results nonetheless they have enhanced awareness to the plight of juveniles and played the role of a catalyst for social metamorphosis.

 

References

Anderson, S.A., Sabatelli, R. M., & Trachtenberg, J. (2007). Community Police and Youth Programs as a Context for Positive Youth Development. Police Quarterly, 10(1), 23-40. Retrieved September 12, 2010, Sage Publishing.

Everett, C., Chadwell, J., & McChesney, J.C. (2002). Successful Programs for At-Risk Youths: The Journal of Physical Education, Recreation & Dance, 73.9, 38. Retrieved September 17, 2010, Gale Publishing.

Hartmann, D., & Wheelock, D. (2002). Sports as Prevention? Minneapolis’ Experiment with Late-Night Basketball. University of Minnesota manuscript, 12-17. Retrieved on September 19, 2010, http://www.soc.umn.edu/`hartm

Kethineni, S., Blimling, L., Bozarth, J. M., & Gaines, C. (2004). Youth Violence: An Exploratory Study of a Treatment Program in Central Illinois County. International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology, 48, 697-718. Retrieved September 18, 2010, Sage Publishing.

 Loeber, R., & Stouthamer-Loeber, M. (1998) Development of Juvenile Aggression and Violence: Some Common Misconceptions and Controversies. American Psychologist, 53(2), 242-259.

 Lord, H., & Mahoney, J. (2007) Neighborhood Crime and Self-Care: Risk for Aggression and Lower Academic Performance. Developmental Psychology, 43(6), 1321-1333.

Luna, A., & Hernandez, G., Winn, R., & Stephen, E. (2000). Juvenile At-Risk Program. Law & Order, 48(7), 93-97. Retrieved September 19, 2010, ProQuest.

Riner, M., & Flynn, B. (1999) Creating Violence Free Healthy Cities for Youth. Holistic Nursing Practices, 14(1), 1-11. Retrieved September 15, 2010, EBSCO Publishing.

Yohalem, N., & Wilson-Ahlstrom, A. (2010). Inside the Black Box: Assessing and Improving Quality in Youth Programs. Society for Community Research and Action, 45, 350-357. Retrieved September 15, 2010, Sage Journal Online.