NAFTA Unveiled
By: Leroy A. Binns Ph.D.
The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) proposed by
President Ronald Reagan during his 1980 presidential campaign and executed by
President William Clinton in January 1994 following the US-Canadian Agreement
is intended to eliminate trading barriers, promote conditions for fair
competition and increase investment opportunities among participating states.
In response to the European Economic Area the largest trade
zone which includes the members of the European Union and European Free Trade
Association and a growing Asia-Pacific Economic Corporation comprised of China
the worlds most populated state and Japan the world’s second largest economy
NAFTA is a similar three state economic pact (an alliance of Canada, Mexico and
the United States of America) with 365 million consumers and a monetary value
estimated at $6 trillion a year. In the years ahead the NAFTA is expected to
produce 25% more commodities and services in comparison to its European
counterpart, offer Americans concessions on goods and increase US exports on
grounds of affordability. When fully operative the agreement is also expected
to produce an additional 200, 000 new American jobs, reduce illegal immigration
and drug trafficking and strengthen democracies and the economies of all
parties involved.
With signs of hope and prosperity President Clinton has
received endorsements from the US Congress and Latin American leaders from Chile , Argentina and Venezuela who
have desperately sought solutions to reverse economic instability in their
respective states. In fact in less than a year of its approval the president
announced plans to expand the program to incorporate Chile while hinting at the
admission of other nations of the Western Hemisphere .
Nonetheless opponents of the trade measure provide a litany of improprieties
that spell disaster.
Despite noble designs, labor, human rights, consumer and
environmental advocates are convinced NAFTA is a partnership that is destined
to yield checkered results. Unlike the business community of Fortune 500
companies, many Latino organizations and to some extent academe the opposition
is most vocal on issues pertinent to basic workers’ rights and is therefore in
disagreement with job loss, wage inequality and undesirable working
circumstances. Many share the opinion that without rules and regulations
protecting Mexican employees US
establishments will opt for relocating to the South in attempt to maximize
profits creating unemployment at home and the manufacturing of inferior
products abroad.
In addition in light of the fact that the gap between
average US and Mexican earnings is about 8 to 1 which is twice as large as the
wage gap between the European Union’s richest and poorest nations there is
unwavering concern regarding appropriate pay for services rendered. A safe and
secure work environment and health insurance commonly unknown to many
businesses in Mexico
coupled with the possibility of an immense flight of capital from the
impoverished state in the absence of investment control mechanisms are likewise
equally matters of contention.
In response to legitimate concerns aired prior to
implementation of the treaty amendments in favor minimum wage, working
conditions and environmental protection were tabled and later signed into
agreement in 1993 but detractors have sustained vigilance.
An amicable liberalized market may only materialize with a
realistic debt reduction plan to offset the Mexican economic crisis enabling
the circulation of additional capital to augment salaries and enhance a working
atmosphere subject to scrutiny and penalties whenever necessary and to attract
foreign currency and encourage the utilization of a significant portion of its
return locally. NAFTA’s North American Development Bank which is entrusted with
the responsibility of arranging low interest loans to finance environmental
projects along the US/Mexican frontier must also play a role by honoring its
obligations within specified time periods to ensure progress while other US
financial institutions must be committed to long term productive monetary
infusions south of our territorial demarcation in order to achieve favorable
objective.
This experiment with all its possibilities could fall prey
to misconceptions that have weakened or destroyed comparable federations
throughout Latin America such as the Latin American Free Trade Agreement, the
Andean Pact and the Central American Common Market unless the equation is
inclusive of all affected sectors of society – the corporate elites, labor
unions, farm groups, consumer activists and others. The four year review of
NAFTA’s addendum if methodically assessed and appropriately introduced could
facilitate a new dawn to an intrinsic metamorphosis.
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